Discrimination Concerning African Americans Essay

Differences in race crest to divergent levels of scotch growth inwardly the United States. Analysts often try to explain this phenomenon by observant a specific cultural groups tradition and heathen ideology. Economists expand their analysis on the sparing behaviors of Afrifanny the Statesns by taking into consideration personal histories and value systems of the group under reflect. the Statesn families handbill economical status in price of income, and factors associated with material security as a whole. These factors may consist of health c atomic subprogram 18, college funds, and solitude plans.However, African American families lag well screwing when beliefualizing economic discipline under these terms. The background is due to numerous instances of discrimination that conk in the U. S. Many of Americas public policies aid in the underdevelopment of non- exsanguinous families. Increased economic development deep down America is the primalstone to upward s emipolitical and social mobility. If minorities ar denied inevitable rights to sufficientity, access to economic development becomes a luxuriouslyly awkward figure out. Despite Americas idealized view on equal opportunity, it is valid to assume that economic security has been limited on the background of race.Therefore, it is primary(prenominal) to investigate why purity American families atomic estimate 18 economic all(prenominal)y better-off than non- color American families. maven must gull into rate aspects of political employment, nurture, and the number of children a family has in the home in order to understand this enquiry question. Contemporary Viewpoints The lack of political participation of nonage groups is a par hail issue within the United States, explaining why non- fair American families be little economically unquestionable when compared to white American families.According to Douglas S. Massey (1995), minority families increasingly speak manner of speakings and bear cultures quite contrary than the established norms within the U. S. regime. He has ensnare that ethnic groups carry their customs into new generations, trioing umteen non-white families to become dis rigid and impoverished. Brinck Kerr and Will moth miller (1997) believe that it is necessary for non-white American families to enroll in elections in order to obtain equal representation that they are now lacking.They go on to tell that political representation is the key to gameer employment levels, and is a significant determinant to the minority persona of professional positions. William H. Frey (1996) finds that immigrants usually encounter highly stratified society characterized by high income inequality leaving little room for upward mobility. In addition, Paula D. Mcklain (1990) assumes that non-white American families will continue to reside in pitiful economic subcultures that are institutionally incomplete if they are represented at oftentime s starter ratios relative to the population portions of whites.Susan Welch (1990) has constitute that minority groups fall in non even achieved half their population proportions in political elections. These numbers are even glower than what they were a decade ago. She states that new(prenominal) factors that lead to low political participation within minority groups is that a substantial number of non-white American families are not citizens, and therefore are not worthy to vote. Also, Massey has found that America enacts policies that hinder the socioeconomic status of immigrants for they are underrepresented at virtually all levels and institutions in United States government.Moreover, Friedberg and trace (1995) micturate found that non-white American families receive less benefits than white families because of geographic segregation within the community. The various dispersion of minority families in different low-income areas within the U. S. makes it tight for these families to be represented proportionally. Consequently, Rodney E. Hero and Caroline J. Tolbert (1995) believe minority families can now be easily manipulated by government because they are not equally accounted for.Therefore, non-white American families are not able to take advantage of economically developed determinants such as health care and retirement funds. The inscription of the Statue of liberty expresses to the world to give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses hungriness to breathe free. America continuously contradicts itself on the validity of this concept due to the increasingly economic tension between Caucasian and non-white families. Friedberg and Hunt (1995) give the example of Proposition 187, which makes many non-white American families ineligible for definite services such as public health.Non-white American families are not given over the opportunity to take advantage of benefactors the U. S. offers to white American families. Therefore, Non-whit e American families lack of political participation, and unequal representation in governmental institutions and legislative bodies, leads them to be less economically developed than white American families. facts of life is another obstacle to economic development that non-white families face. Education is a decisive tool to economic security. However, Melissa Marschall (1997) has found that current policies demonstrate minorities obtain been denied equal access to education.She has found that assignment systems based on assessments of language deficiencies or other individual needs are used to break in non-whites from whites. According to Jeffrey J. Mondack and Diana C. Mutz (1997), inequitable school financing is equally detrimental to non-white students. funding for public schools comes from property taxes. They go along to say that predomintly non-white schools tend to be in central inner city school districts which amaze a smaller property tax base. In addition, the Offic e of Civil Rights has set practices that are termed second generation school discrimination.Practices such as ability classify, suspensions, and tracking may appear on the surface to be normal educational practices. When examining these components closer, Brick Kerr and Will Miller (1997) defend found they let a negative impact on minority students. Ability sort out is a form of segregation that sepa evaluate minority students from whites. They have found that ahead even attempting to teach non-white students, they are diagnosed with having linguistic or intellectual problems. The students are therefore required to take special and bilingual classes, do it vexed for them to succeed.According to Robert E. England (1986), non-white students are many times pulled out of regular classes and placed into bilingual classes only on the basis of ethnicity rather than their understanding of English. Brick and Miller go on to explain that suspensions are a second manoeuvre used to enc ourage the failure of minority students in school. Non-white students are given more(prenominal) harsh disciplinary sentences than white students. Moreover, studies show that the ratio of minority students kicked out of school is disproportionately higher than whites, making the students more presumable to drop out.Marschall has found that schools also advocate differences in ability grouping and discipline, leading to distinctions in tracking between non-whites and whites. The majority white students in high ability groups are often counseled to choose college preparatory tracks. However, minorities in low ability groups are counseled into vocational or general tracks, making them less believably to attend post-secondary education. Mondack and Mutz believe that the overall pattern of racial inequality the school system has created makes non-whites less plausibly to receive a quality education than whites.This truth makes it tricky for economic development to occur within non-w hite American families. The number of children in a family lead to change magnitude poverty levels and low economic development within non-white American families. M. Klitsch (1990) has found that minority women have children at an extensively higher rate than that of white women. Also, he states that non-white women represent a small percentage of the population, however they account for a greater number of births.Alejandro Portes and Cynthia Truelove (1987) go on to say that non-white families are generally poorer than white families because of the higher number of children in the home. This leads them to be more likely to live on a lower floor the poverty line. In addition, Genevieve M. Kenney and Nancy E. Reichman (1998) have found the population of non-whites increases faster than whites every year due to high fertility rates. Similarly, the two have found that fertility rates of non-whites families life history in impoverished communities is almost double compared to white f amilies.Klitsch has found that non-white families have an estimated 5. 5 people to a household, while white families only 3. 8. Therefore, these high rates lead to low socioeconomic status, and limited opportunities to increase economic security. According to Kenney and Reichman, the high fertility rates are due to low percentages of minorities who use contraceptives. They have also found that non-white women are less likely to have an abortion than white women. One might view this as a positive aspect.However, Portes and Truelove believe that one must take into account the over a quarter of minority families who have an income below the federal poverty line, which is almost one half greater than those of white families. Therefore, the high number of children within non-white American families make them more likely to experience economic deprivation than white American families. There has been an teemingness of scholarly research previously conducted on the economic differences betw een white and non-white American families. They usually consist of data sources such as the U. S. immigration and Naturalization Service, and the U. S. bureau of the Census.The Foreign Born Population of the United States and statistical Reports are used with the previously listed sources to compare ethnic groups (Friedberg and Hunt, pg. 5). These databases yield cross-section(a) designs that develop into time series reports in order to make assumptions on covariants dealing with GNP and income, proving distinct differences in the races under study. For instance, researchers assume that white families are more economically developed than non-whites. This is because the average white American family makes $44,000 a year, and the average non-white American family does not make half this amount (6-7).These figures are valid in drawing conclusions about correlative relationships, whole important ideological factors necessary to study when dealing with the dependent multivariate of r ace. A more effective method of analysis was a study derived from interviews in a low income Los Angeles county. The participants were white and non-white females. The study was conducted between January 1984 and may 1985 (M. Kitsch, 136-137). In addition, the sample consisted of a three-stage cluster of census tracks, blocks, and household addresses.This cross-section(a) design embodied research dealing with fertility rates of different races. The minority women proved to have higher fertility rates in low income sectors, leading Klitsch to question the different ways non-white American families bear economic development. Non-white American families have to deal with numerous accounts of racial discrimination. It is difficult for a non-white American family to become economically stable in terms of income and security plans. The reason is due to being a minority in a predominately white America.Therefore, non-white American families are less economically developed than white Amer ican families because H1 non-white American families are less likely to embark in elections than white American families. H2 non-white Americans are more likely to be discriminated against in school than white Americans. H3 the more children in a household, the more likely a family will be economically deprived. Implications and Conclusion Education, political participation, and the number of children a family has all relate the levels of economic development within the household for white American families.Even though education levels has a stronger light upon toward higher levels of income, when the three variables are calculated together, they are all highly statistically significant. In non-white American homes, education levels appears to be the key determinant of their economic status. Further test need to be measured in reference to how the number of children a family has and political participation affect the economic security of non-white American families. With this, t he above hypotheses will prove to have more validity.However, in both cases it was important to measure education, the number of children a family has, and political participation together in order to understand the affect these variables have on each other, and how this affect leads to higher or lower levels of economic development within the family. These multivariate studies are also important in predicting the affect the independent variables will have on summarize family income in the future. It can be assumed that the highest year of school perfect will continue to have a strong affect toward economic development in the future for both white and non-white American families.In addition, the number of children in a white American family and their political participation are significant variables to measure when determining their economic standpoint in future years to come. There are alternative approaches to identifying explanations to why non-white American families are less economically developed than white American families. One example is the difference in income between non-white and white American families who have single parents and ones that have two parents.Another alternative approach is identifying education as only an antecedent variable, and observing how it relates to occupation, the true independent variable under study. From here, one can observe how economic development is related to a persons occupation within the home. As anyone who walks the streets of Americas largest cities knows, there has been a profound transformation of different ethnic cultures within the United States. The rapidity of the change has led to growing rival of economic development between white and non-white American families.This competition has lead to ethnic prejudice and discrimination as the United States continues to assimilate into the melt down pot for the American dream. Political participation, education, and the number of children within the home are variables that allow the transition to become a less arduous process for white American families. However, if non-white American families continue to do poorly in terms of economic development because of these variables, non-whites will continue to lag behind the income scale in comparison to whites. Research along these lines will lead to the study of relative differences between ethnic cultures.An example is the discovery of why almost half the number of minorities return to their country of origin later on experiences of economic injustice. Previous research may also benefit other analysis in the field of economics by itemizing fertility rates in terms of the higher number of non-white American families who lack the finances to properly nourish their children. These new variables along with my research can in time become valid determinants in explaining why white American families are economically better off that non-white American families.